By Mohamad Tabbaa
Muslim leaders need to stop apologising and start defending their
communities' legal rights. Endless condemnation of terrorism fuels the
demand for more, says Mohamad Tabbaa.
The terror raids in Melbourne
have revived the question of "home-grown terrorism", and have again
focused the spotlight on Melbourne’s Muslim community. In Sydney, the
Hyde Park protests have had a similar effect.
As has become increasingly common in the
aftermath of such situations, Muslims are pushed in certain directions,
and asked to respond to certain criticisms: do you condemn terrorism? Does the group in question represent Muslim views? Does Islam condone violence?
Unfortunately, many Muslims have taken
comfort in the usual, reactionary responses to such questions, and many
have thus jumped on the condemnation bandwagon as a result. We are
hearing more of the common responses put forward by Muslim groups:
"Islam denounces violence", "Muslims are law-abiding citizens", "Islam
means peace", and a bunch of other catch-cries apologising for the fact
that Muslims are not perfect.
So what is the problem with such
responses? Surely the logical thing to do is to allay the fears of an
already anxious public, who perhaps already look toward their Muslim
neighbours with slight suspicion?
In fact, there are a number of problems with this approach.
Apologising for such actions only further
entrenches the false idea that terrorism is a Muslim problem; after
all, why would someone apologise for something they were not responsible
for? Condemning terrorism only fuels the demand for more condemnation,
and the past decade has convincingly illustrated this fact.
The more serious and harmful results of
such responses, however, stem from the fact that reactions such as these
serve to further criminalise and marginalise the Muslim community. How
so? Well, by distancing ourselves from groups considered "radical" or
"on the fringe", we open up the discussion about what makes a "good"
Muslim, and, by default, what makes a "bad" Muslim.
These discussions quickly enter the
public discourse, which means that the definition of what constitutes a
good or bad Muslim is open to things like political manipulation,
prejudice, racism, and even mere ignorance. We see this occurring often,
as TV presenters, radio commentators, politicians and even the general
public throw in their two cents as to what they believe a good Muslim ought to be.
The core identity of the Muslim community is thus left to the purview
of the general community, who, it’s safe to say, are not well-versed in
all things Muslim.
The Muslim community becomes fragmented
as a result; we basically create a radical minority within a minority,
and the usual characteristics of exclusion quickly ensue. Verbal
distancing (marginal group, on the fringe) and vilification (radicals,
extremists, terrorists) become commonplace. Once this occurs, it becomes
very easy for individuals or groups to harass this minority, safe in
the knowledge that they are not really harming Muslims, but only
"radicals" or "terrorists". In the case of the terror raids in
Melbourne, the police authorities could violently raid the houses of a
number of innocent citizens — terrorising the inhabitants — while still
claiming to have been engaged with and respectful of the Muslim
community. But which community exactly is being referred to here? Were
the people raided not part of that Muslim community, or do they no
longer belong? And who exactly has made that decision?
A number of other disturbing trends also
usually follow such raids, and this case is unfortunately no different.
For example, rather than focusing on the rights of those raided, on
their presumption of innocence, or even on the excessive powers police
now posses to carry out such raids, instead the focus is elsewhere, on
issues of little to no relevance. The Herald Sun, for example, discusses a
neighbour’s reaction to a family that was raided, who importantly
states that, despite the fact that they "would say hello back…they were
not that friendly". Of course, the demeanour of the family in question
towards a complete stranger is the most important fact in this case, and
so obviously requires mentioning.
Worse yet was a media release by the
Islamic Council of Victoria (ICV), who, instead of defending the rights
of the Victorian Muslims it claims to represent, found it more pressing
to mention that
those raided came from a "marginalised group…with a handful of
followers"; that their group Al-Furqan was not part of the ICV; that
their leader Harun was not part of the Board of Imams; while also
complaining about the group’s tone, manner and language. The ICV has
since altered their media release after numerous complaints from the
Muslim community. Distancing themselves from the targeted group appeared
to be more important to the ICV than actually defending them or
questioning the police about their intelligence or approach.
What relevance do a neighbour’s feelings
have on the outcome of this case? Why is it so important for the ICV to
strenuously distance itself from a group which, by all standards, is
entirely innocent?
Focusing on these irrelevant aspects of
the case serves to realign our sympathies and refocus our attention. Our
sympathies are aligned away from the terrified children and their
parents, whose doors were kicked in by heavily-armed police at the break
of dawn, and shifted instead toward the poor neighbour who felt that
these people were not as friendly as she would have liked them to be.
The neighbour here comes to represent the anxious public, who seem quite
happy to allow for blatant rights violations and damaging
discrimination merely to feel safe — similar to the reaction towards asylum seekers.
Our focus then shifts away from the fact
that, rather than defending their community from harassment, the ICV is
instead siding with repressive government authorities. Sadly, what is
focused on is the fact that the tone used by this group was not as nice
as the ICV would have wished. Such tactics only further marginalise a
minority group already under much pressure, facing constant
discrimination and violence, including over-policing.
These responses and tactics,
unfortunately, are not restricted to the ICV, and are common amongst
Muslim leaders both in Victoria and across the country.
Similar condemnation and distancing has now been targeted towards Sydney’s protesters, with some Muslim leaders publicly condemning them as "criminals", despite the fact that they have not even gone through the legal system yet. Again, as with above, this shifts our focus away from the fact that such leaders ought to be defending their right to the presumption of innocence, even if they have committed crimes, rather than labelling them as criminals; defending their right to peacefully protest; and also interrogating the harsh police tactics used, and calling for investigations into the disturbing claims that it may have been police who actually instigated the violence in some circumstances. Instead, as with the terror raids, certain leaders seem to be more concerned with preserving their own image as ‘good Muslims’, than with the rights and well-being of their community members.
Similar condemnation and distancing has now been targeted towards Sydney’s protesters, with some Muslim leaders publicly condemning them as "criminals", despite the fact that they have not even gone through the legal system yet. Again, as with above, this shifts our focus away from the fact that such leaders ought to be defending their right to the presumption of innocence, even if they have committed crimes, rather than labelling them as criminals; defending their right to peacefully protest; and also interrogating the harsh police tactics used, and calling for investigations into the disturbing claims that it may have been police who actually instigated the violence in some circumstances. Instead, as with the terror raids, certain leaders seem to be more concerned with preserving their own image as ‘good Muslims’, than with the rights and well-being of their community members.
What results from characterising
ourselves as "good" Muslims, and attacking "bad" Muslims in this way, is
that the "bad Muslims" group gets criminalised and charged — not for
crimes they have committed — but merely for being "bad people"; they
basically get criminalised for not being mainstream or nice enough, as
if that in itself were a crime. So rather than critiquing the
ever-increasing powers of the state and police authorities, we find
ourselves stuck demonising a "handful of people" for speaking in a
disapproved manner while possessing a USB stick.
If we’re as passionate about free speech
as many have proudly professed to be — especially in light of the latest
Muslim-bashing movie — then we really ought to be defending the rights
to speech of those whom we disagree with most; otherwise, freedom of
speech becomes little more than the "freedom" to sound like
the majority.
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